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  As his corse to  rampart we hurried;
Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot
  O''er  grave where our hero was buried.""

 mass of men serve  state thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies. They are  standing army, and  militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus, etc. In most cases there is no free exercise whatever of  judgement or of  moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve  purpose as well. Such command no more respect than men of straw or a lump of dirt. They have  same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. Yet such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens. Others--as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders--serve  state chiefly with their heads; and, as  rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve  devil, without intending it, as God. A very few--as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in  great sense, and men--serve  state with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for  most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be ""clay,"" and ""stop a hole to keep  wind away,"" but leave that office to his dust at least:

""I am too high born to be propertied,
To be a second at widget,
Or useful serving-man and instrument
To any sovereign state throughout  world.""

He who gives himself entirely to his fellow men appears to them useless and selfish; but he who gives himself partially to them in pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist.

How does it become a man to behave toward  American government today? I answer, that he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. I cannot for an instant recognize that political organization as my government
 which is  slave''s government also.

All men recognize  right of revolution; that is,  right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist,  government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable. But almost all say that such is not  case now. But such was  case, they think, in  Revolution of 
''75. If one were to tell me that this was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do without them. All machines have their friction; and possibly this does enough good to counter-balance  evil. At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. But when  friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and robbery are organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In other words, when a sixth of  population of a nation which has undertaken to be  refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and subjected to military law, I think that it is not too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize. What makes this duty  more urgent is that fact that  country so overrun is not our own, but ours is  invading army.

Paley, a common authority with many on moral questions, in his chapter on  ""Duty of Submission to Civil Government,"" resolves all civil obligation into expediency; and he proceeds to say that ""so long as  interest of  whole society requires it, that it, so long as  established government cannot be resisted or changed without public inconveniencey, it is  will of God. . .that  established government be obeyed--and no longer. This principle being admitted,  justice of every particular case of resistance is reduced to a computation of  quantity of  danger and grievance on  one side, and of  probability and expense of redressing it on  other."" Of this, he says, every man shall judge for himself. But Paley appears never to have contemplated those cases to which  rule of expediency does not apply, in which a people, as well and an individual, must do justice, cost what it may. If I have unjustly wrested a plank from a drowning man, I must restore it to him though I drown myself. This, according to Paley, would be inconvenient. But he that would save his life, in such a case, shall lose it. This people must cease to hold slaves, and to make war on Mexico, though it cost them their existence as a people.

In their practice, nations agree with Paley; but does anyone think that Massachusetts does exactly what is right at  present crisis?

""A drab of stat,
  a cloth-o''-silver slut,
To have her train borne up,
  and her soul trail in  dirt.""

Practically speaking,  opponents to a reform in Massachusetts are not a hundred thousand politicians at  South, but a hundred thousand merchants and farmers here, who are more interested in commerce and agriculture than they are in humanity, and are not prepared to do justice to  slave and to Mexico, cost what it may. I quarrel not with far-off foes, but with those who, neat at home, co-operate with, and do  bidding of, those far away, and without whom  latter would be harmless. We are accustomed to say, that  mass of men are unprepared; but improvement is slow, because  few are not as materially wiser or better than  many. It is not so important that many should be good as you, as that there be some absolute goodness somewhere; for that will leaven  whole lump. There are thousands who are in opinion opposed to slavery and to  war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them; who, esteeming themselves children of Washington and Franklin, sit down with their hands in their pockets, and say that they know not what to do, and do nothing; who even postpone  question of freedom to  question of free trade, and quietly read  prices-current along with  latest advices from Mexico, after dinner, and, it may be, fall asleep over them both. What is  price-current of an honest man and patriot today? They hesitate, and they regret, and sometimes they petition; but they do nothing in earnest and with effect. They will wait, well disposed, for other to remedy  evil, that they may no longer have it to regret. At most, they give up only a cheap vote, and a feeble countenance and Godspeed, to  right, as it goes by them. There are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue to one virtuous man. But it is easier to deal with  real possessor of a thing than with  temporary guardian of it.

All voting is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with right and wrong, with moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it.  character of  voters is not staked. I cast my vote, perchance, as I think right; but I am not vitally concerned that that right should prevail. I am willing to leave it to  majority. Its obligation, therefore, never exceeds that of expediency. Even voting for  right is doing nothing for it. It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will not leave  right to  mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through  power of  majority. There is but little virtue in  action of masses of men. When  majority shall at length vote for  abolition of slavery, it will be because they are indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be abolished by their vote. They will then be  only slaves. Only his vote can hasten  abolition of slavery who asserts his own freedom by his vote.

I hear of a convention to be held at Baltimore, or elsewhere, for  selection of a candidate for  Presidency, made up chiefly of editors, and men who are politicians by profession; but I think, what is it to any independent, intelligent, and respectable man what decision they may come to? Shall we not have  advantage of this wisdom and honesty, nevertheless? Can we not count upon some independent votes? Are there not many individuals in  country who do not attend conventions? But no: I find that  respectable man, so called, has immediately drifted from his position, and despairs of his country, when his country has more reasons to despair of him. He forthwith adopts one of  candidates thus selected as  only available one, thus proving that he is himself available for any purposes of  demagogue. His vote is of no more worth than that of any unprincipled foreigner or hireling native, who may have been bought. O for a man who is a man, and, and my neighbor says, has a bone is his back which you cannot pass your hand through! Our statistics are at fault:  population has been returned too large. How many men are there to a square thousand miles in  country? Hardly one. Does not America offer any inducement for men to settle here?  American has dwindled into an Odd Fellow--one who may be known by  development of his organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and cheerful self-reliance; whose first and chief concern, on coming into  world, is to see that  almshouses are in good repair; and, before yet he has lawfully donned  virile garb, to collect a fund to  support of  widows and orphans that may be; who, in short, ventures to live only by  aid of  Mutual Insurance company, which has promised to bury him decently.

It is not a man''s duty, as a matter of course, to devote himself to  eradication of any, even to most enormous, wrong; he may still properly have other concerns to engage him; but it is his duty, at least, to wash his hands of it, and, if he gives it no thought longer, not to give it practically his support. If I devote myself to other pursuits and contemplations, I must first see, at least, that I do not pursue them sitting upon another man''s shoulders. I must get off him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too. See what gross inconsistency is tolerated. I have heard some of my townsmen say, ""I should like to have them order me out to help put down an insurrection of  slaves, or to march to Mexico--see if I would go""; and yet these very men have each, directly by their allegiance, and so indirectly, at least, by their money, furnished a substitute.  soldier is applauded who refuses to serve in an unjust war by those who do not refuse to sustain  unjust government which makes  war; is applauded by those whose own act and authority he disregards and sets at naught; as if  state were penitent to that degree that it hired one to scourge it while it sinned, but not to that degree that it left off sinning for a moment. Thus, under  name of Order and Civil Government, we are all made at last to pay homage to and support our own meanness. After  first blush of sin comes its indifference; and from immoral it becomes, as it were, unmoral, and not quite unnecessary to that life which we have made.

 broadest and most prevalent error requires  most disinterested virtue to sustain it.  slight reproach to which  virtue of patriotism is commonly liable,  noble are most likely to incur. Those who, while they disapprove of  character and measures of a government, yield to it their allegiance and support are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so frequently  most serious obstacles to reform. Some are petitioning  State to dissolve  Union, to disregard  requisitions of  President. Why do they not dissolve it themselves-- union between themselves and  State--and refuse to pay their quota into its treasury? Do not they stand in same relation to  State that  State does to  Union? And have not  same reasons prevented  State from resisting  Union which have prevented them from resisting  State?

How can a man be satisfied to entertain and opinion merely, and enjoy it? Is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved? If you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbor, you do not rest satisfied with knowing you are cheated, or with saying that you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you your due; but you take effectual steps at once to obtain  full amount, and see to it that you are never cheated again. Action from principle,  perception and  performance of right, changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. It not only divided States and churches, it divides families; ay, it divides  individual, separating  diabolical in him from  divine.

Unjust laws exist: shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once? Men, generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded  majority to alter them. They think that, if they should resist,  remedy would be worse than  evil. But it is  fault of  government itself that  remedy is worse than  evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does it not encourage its citizens to put out its faults, and do better than it would have them? Why does it always crucify Christ and excommunicate Copernicus and Luther, and pronounce Washington and Franklin rebels?

One would think, that a deliberate and practical denial of its authority was  only offense never contemplated by its government; else, why has it not assigned its definite, its suitable and proportionate, penalty? If a man who has no property refuses but once to earn nine shillings for  State, he is put in prison for a period unlimited by any law that I know, and determined only by  discretion of those who put him there; but if he should steal ninety times nine shillings from  State, he is soon permitted to go at large again.

If  injustice is part of  necessary friction of  machine of government, let it go, let it go: perchance it will wear smooth--certainly  machine will wear out. If  injustice has a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself, then perhaps you may consider whether  remedy will not be worse than  evil; but if it is of such a nature that it requires you to be  agent of injustice to another, then I say, break  law. Let your life be a counter-friction to stop  machine. What I have to do is to see, at any rate, that I do not lend myself to  wrong which I condemn.

As for adopting  ways of  State has provided for remedying  evil, I know not of such ways. They take too much time, and a man''s life will be gone. I have other affairs to attend to. I came into this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has not everything to do, but something; and because he cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he should be petitioning  Governor or  Legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me; and if they should not hear my petition, what should I do then? But in this case  State has provided no way: its very Constitution is  evil. This may seem to be harsh and stubborn and unconcilliatory; but it is to treat with  utmost kindness and consideration  only spirit that can appreciate or deserves it. So is all change for  better, like birth and death, which convulse  body.

I do not hesitate to say, that those who call themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually withdraw their support, both in person and property, from  government of Massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of one, before they suffer  right to prevail through them. I think that it is enough if they have God on their side, without waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one already.

I meet this American government, or its representative,  State government, directly, and face to face, once a year--no more--in  person of its tax-gatherer; this is  only mode in which a man situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says distinctly, Recognize me; and  simplest,  most effectual, and, in  present posture of affairs,  indispensablest mode of treating with it on this head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to deny it then. My civil neighbor,  tax-gatherer, is  very man I have to deal with--for it is, after all, with men and not with parchment that I quarrel--and he has voluntarily chosen to be an agent of  government. How shall he ever know well that he is and does as an officer of  government, or as a man, until he is obliged to consider whether he will treat me, his neighbor, for whom he has respect, as a neighbor and well-disposed man, or as a maniac and disturber of  peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to his neighborlines without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his action. I know this well, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom I could name--if ten honest men only--ay, if one HONEST man, in this State of Massachusetts, ceasing to hold slaves, were actually to withdraw from this co-partnership, and be locked up in  county jail therefor, it would be  abolition of slavery in America. For it matters not how small  beginning may seem to be: what is once well done is done forever. But we love better to talk about it: that we say is our mission. Reform keeps many scores of newspapers in its service, but not one man. If my esteemed neighbor,  State''s ambassador, who will devote his days to  settlement of  question of human rights in  Council Chamber, instead of being threatened with  prisons of Carolina, were to sit down  prisoner of Massachusetts, that State which is so anxious to foist  sin of slavery upon her sister--though at
 present
 she can discover only an act of inhospitality to be  ground of a quarrel with her-- Legislature would not wholly waive  subject of  following winter.

Under a government which imprisons unjustly,  true place for a just man is also a prison.  proper place today,  only place which Massachusetts has provided for her freer and less despondent spirits, is in her prisons, to be put out and locked out of  State by her own act, as they have already put themselves out by their principles. It is there that  fugitive slave, and  Mexican prisoner on parole, and  Indian come to plead  wrongs of his race should find them; on that separate but more free and honorable ground, where  State places those who are not with her, but against her-- only house in a slave State in which a free man can abide with honor. If any think that their influence would be lost there, and their voices no longer afflict  ear of  State, that they would not be as an enemy within its walls, they do not know by how much truth is stronger than error, nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own person. Cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence. A minority is powerless while it conforms to  majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight. If  alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery,  State will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not to pay their tax bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable  State to commit violence and shed innocent blood. This is, in fact,  definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is possible. If  tax-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks me, as one has done, ""But what shall I do?"" my answer is, ""If you really wish to do anything, resign your office."" When  subject has refused allegiance, and  officer has resigned from office, then  revolution is accomplished. But even suppose blood shed when  conscience is wounded? 
Through this wound a man''s real manhood and immortality flow out, and he bleeds to an everlasting death. I see this blood flowing now.

I have contemplated  imprisonment of  offender, rather than  seizure of his goods--though both will serve  same purpose--because they who assert  purest right, and consequently are most dangerous to a corrupt State, commonly have not spent much time in accumulating property. To such  State renders comparatively small service, and a slight tax is wont to appear exorbitant, particularly if they are obliged to earn it by special labor with their hands. If there were one who lived wholly without  use of money,  State itself would hesitate to demand it of him. But  rich man--not to make any invidious comparison--is always sold to  institution which makes him rich. Absolutely speaking,  more money,  less virtue; for money comes between a man and his objects, and obtains them for him; it was certainly no great virtue to obtain it. It puts to rest many questions which he would otherwise be taxed to answer; while  only new question which it puts is  hard but superfluous one, how to spend it. Thus his moral ground is taken from under his feet.  opportunities of living are diminished in proportion as that are called  ""means"" are increased.  best thing a man can do for his culture when he is rich is to endeavor to carry out those schemes which he entertained when he was poor. Christ answered  Herodians according to their condition. ""Show me  tribute-money,"" said he--and one took a penny out of his pocket--if you use money which has  image of Caesar on it, and which he has made current and valuable, that is, if you are men of  State, and gladly enjoy  advantages of Caesar''s government, then pay him back some of his own when he demands it. ""Render therefore to Caesar that which is Caesar''s and to God those things which are God''s""--leaving them no wiser than before as to which was which; for they did not wish to know.

When I converse with  freest of my neighbors, I perceive that, whatever they may say about  magnitude and seriousness of  question, and their regard for  public tranquillity,  long and  short of  matter is, that they cannot spare  protection of  existing government, and they dread  consequences to their property and families of disobedience to it. For my own part, I should not like to think that I ever rely on  protection of  State. But, if I deny  authority of  State when it presents its tax bill, it will soon take and waste all my property, and so harass me and my children without end. This is hard. This makes it impossible for a man to live honestly, and at  same time comfortably, in outward respects. It will not be worth  while to accumulate property; that would be sure to go again. You must hire or squat somewhere, and raise but a small crop, and eat that soon. You must live within yourself, and depend upon yourself always tucked up and ready for a start, and not have many affairs. A man may grow rich in Turkey even, if he will be in all respects a good subject of  Turkish government. Confucius said: ""If a state is governed by  principles of reason, poverty and misery are subjects of shame; if a state is not governed by  principles of reason, riches and honors are subjects of shame."" No: until I want  protection of Massachusetts to be extended to me in some distant Southern port, where my liberty is endangered, or until I am bent solely on building up an estate at home by peaceful enterprise, I can afford to refuse allegiance to Massachusetts, and her right to my property and life. It costs me less in every sense to incur  penalty of disobedience to  State than it would to obey. I should feel as if I were worth less in that case.

Some years ago,  State met me in behalf of  Church, and commanded me to pay a certain sum toward  support of a clergyman whose preaching my father attended, but never I myself. ""Pay,"" it said, ""or be locked up in  jail."" I declined to pay. But, unfortunately, another man saw fit to pay it. I did not see why  schoolmaster should be taxed to support  priest, and not  priest  schoolmaster; for I was not  State''s schoolmaster, but I supported myself by voluntary subscription. I did not see why  lyceum should not present its tax bill, and have  State to back its demand, as well as  Church. However, as  request of  selectmen, I condescended to make some such statement as this in writing: ""Know all men by these presents, that I, Henry Thoreau, do not wish to be regarded as a member of any society which I have not joined."" This I gave to  town clerk; and he has it.  State, having thus learned that I did not wish to be regarded as a member of that church, has never made a like demand on me since; though it said that it must adhere to its original presumption that time. If I had known how to name them, I should then have signed off in detail from all  societies which I never signed on to; but I did not know where to find such a complete list.

I have paid no poll tax for six years. I was put into a jail once on this account, for one night; and, as I stood considering  walls of solid stone, two or three feet thick,  door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and  iron grating which strained  light, I could not help being struck with  foolishness of that institution which treated my as if I were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be locked up. I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was  best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way. I saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through before they could get to be as free as I was. I did nor for a moment feel confined, and  walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar. I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax. They plainly did not know how to treat me, but behaved like persons who are underbred. In every threat and in every compliment there was a blunder; for they thought that my chief desire was to stand  other side of that stone wall. I could not but smile to see how industriously they locked  door on my meditations, which followed them out again without let or hindrance, and they were really all that was dangerous. As they could not reach me, they had resolved to punish my body; just as boys, if they cannot come at some person against whom they have a spite, will abuse his dog. I saw that  State was half-witted, that it was timid as a lone woman with her silver spoons, and that it did not know its friends from its foes, and I lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it.

Thus  state never intentionally confronts a man''s sense, intellectual or moral, but only his body, his senses. It is not armed with superior with or honesty, but with superior physical strength. I was not born to be forced. I will breathe after my own fashion. Let us see who is  strongest. What force has a multitude? They only can force me who obey a higher law than I. They force me to become like themselves. I do not hear of men being forced to live this way or that by masses of men. What sort of life were that to live? When I meet a government which says to me, ""Your money our your life,"" why should I be in haste to give it my money? It may be in a great strait, and not know what to do: I cannot help that. It must help itself; do as I do. It is not worth  while to snivel about it. I am not responsible for  successful working of  machinery of society. I am not  son of  engineer. I perceive that, when an acorn and a chestnut fall side by side,  one does not remain inert to make way for  other, but both obey their own laws, and spring and grow and flourish as best they can, till one, perchance, overshadows and destroys  other. If a plant cannot live according to nature, it dies; and so a man.

 night in prison was novel and interesting enough.  prisoners in their shirtsleeves were enjoying a chat and  evening air in  doorway, when I entered. But  jailer said, ""Come, boys, it is time to lock up""; and so they dispersed, and I heard  sound of their steps returning into  hollow apartments. My room-mate was introduced to me by  jailer as ""a first-rate fellow and clever man."" When  door was locked, he showed me where to hang my hat, and how he managed matters there.  rooms were whitewashed once a month; and this one, at least, was  whitest, most simply furnished, and probably neatest apartment in town. He naturally wanted to know where I came from, and what brought me there; and, when I had told him, I asked him in my turn how he came there, presuming him to be an honest an, of course; and as  world goes, I believe he was. ""Why,"" said he, ""they accuse me of burning a barn; but I never did it."" As near as I could discover, he had probably gone to bed in a barn when drunk, and smoked his pipe there; and so a barn was burnt. He had  reputation of being a clever man, had been there some three months waiting for his trial to come on, and would have to wait as much longer; but he was quite domesticated and contented, since he got his board for nothing, and thought that he was well treated.

He occupied one window, and I  other; and I saw that if one stayed there long, his principal business would be to look out  window. I had soon read all  tracts that were left there, and examined where former prisoners had broken out, and where a grate had been sawed off, and heard  history of  various occupants of that room; for I found that even there there was a history and a gossip which never circulated beyond  walls of  jail. Probably this is  only house in  town where verses are composed, which are afterward printed in a circular form, but not published. I was shown quite a long list of young men who had been detected in an attempt to escape, who avenged themselves by singing them.

I pumped my fellow-prisoner as dry as I could, for fear I should never see him again; but at length he showed me which was my bed, and left me to blow out  lamp.

It was like travelling into a far country, such as I had never expected to behold, to lie there for one night. It seemed to me that I never had heard  town clock strike before, not  evening sounds of  village; for we slept with  windows open, which were inside  grating. It was to see my native village in  light of  Middle Ages, and our Concord was turned into a Rhine stream, and visions of knights and castles passed before me. They were  voices of old burghers that I heard in  streets. I was an involuntary spectator and auditor of whatever was done and said in  kitchen of  adjacent village inn--a wholly new and rare experience to me. It was a closer view of my native town. I was fairly inside of it. I never had seen its institutions before. This is one of its peculiar institutions; for it is a shire town. I began to comprehend what its inhabitants were about.

In  morning, our breakfasts were put through  hole in  door, in small oblong-square tin pans, made to fit, and holding a pint of chocolate, with brown bread, and an iron spoon. When they called for  vessels again, I was green enough to return what bread I had left, but my comrade seized it, and said that I should lay that up for lunch or dinner. Soon after he was let out to work at haying in a neighboring field, whither he went every day, and would not be back till noon; so he bade me good day, saying that he doubted if he should see me again.

When I came out of prison--for some one interfered, and paid that tax--I did not perceive that great changes had taken place on  common, such as he observed who went in a youth and emerged a gray-headed man; and yet a change had come to my eyes come over  scene-- town, and State, and country, greater than any that mere time could effect. I saw yet more distinctly  State in which I lived. I saw to what extent  people among whom I lived could be trusted as good neighbors and friends; that their friendship was for summer weather only; that they did not greatly propose to do right; that they were a distinct race from me by their prejudices and superstitions, as  Chinamen and Malays are that in their sacrifices to humanity they ran no risks, not even to their property; that after all they were not so noble but they treated  thief as he had treated them, and hoped, by a certain outward observance and a few prayers, and by walking in a particular straight through useless path from time to time, to save their souls. This may be to judge my neighbors harshly; for I believe that many of them are not aware that they have such an institution as  jail in their village.

It was formerly  custom in our village, when a poor debtor came out of jail, for his acquaintances to salute him, looking through their fingers, which were crossed to represent  jail window, ""How do ye do?"" My neighbors did not this salute me, but first looked at me, and then at one another, as if I had returned from a long journey. I was put into jail as I was going to  shoemaker''s to get a shoe which was mender. When I was let out  next morning, I proceeded to finish my errand, and, having put on my mended show, joined a huckleberry party, who were impatient to put themselves under my conduct; and in half an hour--for  horse was soon tackled--was in  midst of a huckleberry field, on one of our highest hills, two miles off, and then  State was nowhere to be seen.

This is  whole history of ""My Prisons.""

I have never declined paying  highway tax, because I am as desirous of being a good neighbor as I am of being a bad subject; and as for supporting schools, I am doing my part to educate my fellow countrymen now. It is for no particular item in  tax bill that I refuse to pay it. I simply wish to refuse allegiance to  State, to withdraw and stand aloof from it effectually. I do not care to trace  course of my dollar, if I could, till it buys a man a musket to shoot one with-- dollar is innocent--but I am concerned to trace  effects of my allegiance. In fact, I quietly declare war with  State, after my fashion, though I will still make use and get what advantages of her I can, as is usual in such cases.

If others pay  tax which is demanded of me, from a sympathy with  State, they do but what they have already done in their own case, or rather they abet injustice to a greater extent than  State requires. If they pay  tax from a mistaken interest in  individual taxed, to save his property, or prevent his going to jail, it is because they have not considered wisely how far they let their private feelings interfere with  public good.

This, then is my position at present. But one cannot be too much on his guard in such a case, lest his actions be biased by obstinacy or an undue regard for  opinions of men. Let him see that he does only what belongs to himself and to  hour.

I think sometimes, Why, this people mean well, they are only ignorant; they would do better if they knew how: why give your neighbors this pain to treat you as they are not inclined to? But I think again, This is no reason why I should do as they do, or permit others to suffer much greater pain of a different kind. Again, I sometimes say to myself, When many millions of men, without heat, without ill will, without personal feelings of any kind, demand of you a few shillings only, without  possibility, such is their constitution, of retracting or altering their present demand, and without  possibility, on your side, of appeal to any other millions, why expose yourself to this overwhelming brute force? You do not resist cold and hunger,  winds and  waves, thus obstinately; you quietly submit to a thousand similar necessities. You do not put your head into  fire. But just in proportion as I regard this as not wholly a brute force, but partly a human force, and consider that I have relations to those millions as to so many millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, I see that appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from them to  Maker of them, and, secondly, from them to themselves. But if I put my head deliberately into  fire, there is no appeal to fire or to  Maker for fire, and I have only myself to blame. If I could convince myself that I have any right to be satisfied with men as they are, and to treat them accordingly, and not according, in some respects, to my requisitions and expectations of what they and I ought to be, then, like a good Mussulman and fatalist, I should endeavor to be satisfied with things as they are, and say it is  will of God. And, above all, there is this difference between resisting this and a purely brute or natural force, that I can resist this with some effect; but I cannot expect, like Orpheus, to change  nature of  rocks and trees and beasts.

I do not wish to quarrel with any man or nation. I do not wish to split hairs, to make fine distinctions, or set myself up as better than my neighbors. I seek rather, I may say, even an excuse for conforming to  laws of  land. I am but too ready to conform to them. Indeed, I have reason to suspect myself on this head; and each year, as  tax-gatherer comes round, I find myself disposed to review  acts and position of  general and State governments, and  spirit of  people to discover a pretext for conformity.

""We must affect our country as our parents,
And if at any time we alienate
Out love or industry from doing it honor,
We must respect effects and teach  soul
Matter of conscience and religion,
And not desire of rule or benefit.""

I believe that  State will soon be able to take all my work of this sort out of my hands, and then I shall be no better patriot than my fellow-countrymen. Seen from a lower point of view,  Constitution, with all its faults, is very good;  law and  courts are very respectable; even this State and this American government are, in many respects, very admirable, and rare things, to be thankful for, such as a great many have described them; seen from a higher still, and  highest, who shall say what they are, or that they are worth looking at or thinking of at all?

However,  government does not concern me much, and I shall bestow  fewest possible thoughts on it. It is not many moments that I live under a government, even in this world. If a man is thought-free, fancy-free, imagination-free, that which is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers cannot fatally interrupt him.

I know that most men think differently from myself; but those whose lives are by profession devoted to  study of these or kindred subjects content me as little as any. Statesmen and legislators, standing so completely within  institution, never distinctly and nakedly behold it. They speak of moving society, but have no resting-place without it. They may be men of a certain experience and discrimination, and have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems, for which we sincerely thank them; but all their wit and usefulness lie within certain not very wide limits. They are wont to forget that  world is not governed by policy and expediency. Webster never goes behind government, and so cannot speak with authority about it. His words are wisdom to those legislators who contemplate no essential reform in  existing government; but for thinkers, and those who legislate for all tim, he never once glances at  subject. I know of those whose serene and wise speculations on this theme would soon reveal  limits of his mind''s range and hospitality. Yet, compared with  cheap professions of most reformers, and  still cheaper wisdom an eloquence of politicians in general, his are almost  only sensible and valuable words, and we thank Heaven for him. Comparatively, he is always strong, original, and, above all, practical. Still, his quality is not wisdom, but prudence.  lawyer''s truth is not Truth, but consistency or a consistent expediency. Truth is always in harmony with herself, and is not concerned chiefly to reveal  justice that may consist with wrong-doing. He well deserves to be called, as he has been called,  Defender of  Constitution. There are really no blows to be given him but defensive ones. He is not a leader, but a follower. His leaders are  men of ''87. ""I have never made an effort,"" he says, ""and never propose to make an effort; I have never countenanced an effort, and never mean to countenance an effort, to disturb  arrangement as originally made, by 
which various States came into  Union."" Still thinking of  sanction which  Constitution gives to slavery, he says, ""Because it was part of  original compact--let it stand."" Notwithstanding his special acuteness and ability, he is unable to take a fact out of its merely political relations, and behold it as it lies absolutely to be disposed of by  intellect--what, for instance, it behooves a man to do here in American today with regard to slavery--but ventures, or is driven, to make some such desperate answer to  following, while professing to speak absolutely, and as a private man--from which what new and singular of social duties might be inferred? "" manner,"" says he, ""in which  governments of  States where slavery exists are to regulate it is for their own consideration, under  responsibility to their constituents, to  general laws of propriety, humanity, and justice, and to God. Associations formed elsewhere, springing from a feeling of humanity, or any other cause, have nothing whatever to do with it. They have never received any encouragement from me and they never will.""

They who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up its stream no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by  Bible and  Constitution, and drink at it there with reverence and humanity; but they who behold where it comes trickling into this lake or that pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their pilgrimage toward its fountainhead.

No man with a genius for legislation has appeared in America. They are rare in  history of  world. There are orators, politicians, and eloquent men, by  thousand; but  speaker has not yet opened his mouth to speak who is capable of settling  much-vexed questions of  day. We love eloquence for its own sake, and not for any truth which t may utter, or any heroism it may inspire. Our legislators have not yet learned  comparative value of free trade and of freed, of union, and of rectitude, to a nation. They have no genius or talent for comparatively humble questions of taxation and finance, commerce and manufactures and agriculture. If we were left solely to  wordy wit of legislators in Congress for ou