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<P>Do you believe that all "inflammatory" books should be stored in libraries,since no honest person needs such a book at home where a child might read it?<P>Does this statement make you want to register books, or ban some of them,or prevent them from being read in public?<P>Should there be a waiting period for the purchase of "dangerous" books,magazines, and newspapers?<P>Should speed reading courses be restricted to police and military to prevent"assault reading" by citizens?<P>Do you think that banning legal possession of easily-concealed novels willstop criminals from reading?<P>Should we stop teaching children to read, since what they might read couldbe harmful to them?<HR>"At what point shall we expect the approach of danger? By what means shall wefortify against it? Shall we expect some trans-Atlantic military giant to stepthe ocean and crush us with a blow? Never! All the armies of Europe, Asia andAfrica combined with a Bonaparte at their head and disposing of all thetreasure of the earth, our own excepted, could not by force make a track on theBlue Ridge or take a drink from the Ohio in a trial of a thousand years.  Atwhat point then is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, if it everreach us it must spring up from amongst us. It cannot come from abroad.  Ifdestruction be our lot, we ourselves must be its author and finisher. As anation of free men, we must live through all times, or die by suicide."<BR>--Abraham Lincoln, 1838:<P>"This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it.Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercisetheir constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right todismember it or overthrow it."<P>"If the policy of the government upon vital questions affecting the wholepeople is to be fixed by decisions of the supreme Court, then the peoplewill have ceased to be their own rulers."<BR>--Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861:<P>"... the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government uponvital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed bydecisions of the supreme Court, ... the people will have ceased to be theirown rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government intothe hands of that eminent tribunal."<P>"If I don't have to do it, it only shows that you don't have to either."<P>"We all declare for liberty; but in using the same word we donot all mean the same thing."<P>"We, the People are the rightful masters of both Congress and the courts- not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow men who pervertthe Constitution."<P>"Am I not destroying my enemies when I make friends of them?"<BR>--Abraham Lincoln<P>"What constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It isnot... the guns of our war steamers, or the strength of our gallant anddisciplined army... our reliance is in the love of liberty which God hasplanted in our bosoms."<BR>--Abraham Lincoln, 1858<HR><B>So far, no one has been able to verify the following quote:</B><P>"1935 will go down in History! For the first time, a civilized nation hasfull gun registration! Our streets will be safer, our police more efficientand the world will follow our lead to the future!"<P>Adolf Hitler, 1936 Decree:  "A decision of the Fuhrer in the express form of alaw or decree may not be scrutinized by a judge.  In addition, the judge isbound by any other decision of the Fuhrer, provided that they are clearlyintended to declare law."<P>Adolf Hitler, Edict of 18 March 1938 (or 1939?) (can anyone verify thisquote?):  "... history shows that all conquerors who have allowed theirsubjected peoples to carry arms have prepared their own fall"<P>Adolf Hitler, `Mein Kamph':  "If you wish the sympathy of the broad masses,then you must tell them the crudest and most stupid things."<HR>Alan Bock, `Orange County Register':  "The median family of four ... paid$4,722 in federal taxes last year. That's enough to pay for a new curtain forthe secretary of commerce's office, to bribe a farmer not to plant 38 acreswith corn ... seven weeks of salary for a Customs man assigned to save us fromthe terror of high-quality, low priced foreign TV sets, or the subsidy on 6,000bushels of wheat to prop up the Soviet regime.  Surely civilization wouldcollapse without such essential services."<HR>Albert Einstein, "My First Impression of the U.S.A.", 1921:  "The prestige ofgovernment has undoubtedly been lowered considerably by the Prohibition law.For nothing is more destructive of respect for the government and the law ofthe land than passing laws which cannot be enforced. It is an open secret thatthe dangerous increase of crime in this country is closely connected withthis."<P>Albert Einstein:  "Heroism on command, senseless violence, and all the loathsomenonsense that goes by the name of patriotism -- how passionately I hate them!"<HR>Albert Gallatin of the New York Historical Society, 7 October 1789:  "The wholeof the Bill [of Rights] is a declaration of the right of the people at large orconsidered as individuals...  It establishes some rights of the individual asunalienable and which consequently, no majority has a right to deprive them of."<HR>Hamilton didn't argue that a select militia made a general militia unnecessary,but rather that a general militia was insufficient by itself to adequatelyprotect the nation:    (Federalist 28 or 29?)<P>    "But so far from viewing the matter in the same light with those who     object to select corps as dangerous, were the Constitution ratified,     and were I to deliver my sentiments to a member of the federal     legislature from this State on the subject of a militia establishment,     I should hold to him, in substance, the following discourse:<P>    `The project of disciplining all the militia of the United     States is as futile as it would be injurious, if it were capable of     being carried into execution.  A tolerable expertness in military     movements is a business that requires time and practice.  It is not     a day, or even a week, that will suffice for the attainment of it.     To oblige the great body of the yeomanry, and of the other classes     of the citizens, to be under arms for the purpose of going through     military exercises and evolutions, as often as might be necessary to     acquire the degree of perfection which would entitle them to the     character of a well-regulated militia, would be a real grievance to     the people, and a serious public inconvenience and loss.  It would     form an annual deduction from the productive labor of the country,     to an amount which, calculating upon the present numbers of the     people, would not fall far short of the whole expense of the civil     establishments of all the States.  To attempt a thing which would     abridge the mass of labor and industry to so considerable an extent,     would be unwise: and the experiment, if made, could not succeed,     because it would not long be endured.  Little more can reasonably be     aimed at, with respect to the people at large, than to have them     properly armed and equipped; and in order to see that this be not     neglected, it will be necessary to assemble them once or twice in     the course of a year.<P>Alexander Hamilton, collected in Federalist Paper 28, originally in the10 January, 1788, "Daily Advertiser":  "If the representatives of the peoplebetray their constituents, there is then no resource left but in the exertionof that original right of self-defence which is paramount to all positive formsof government, and which against the usurpations of the national rulers, may beexerted with infinitely better prospect of success than against the rulers ofan individual state.  In a single state, if the persons intrusted with supremepower become usurpers, the different parcels, subdivisions, or districts ofwhich it consists, having no distinct government in each, can take no regularmeasures for defense.  The citizens must rush tumultuously to arms, withoutconcert, without system, without resource; except in their courage and despair."<P>Alexander Hamilton, Federalist Paper 29 (on the organization of the militia):"Little more can reasonably be aimed at, with respect to the people at large,than to have them properly armed and equipped; and in order to see that this benot neglected, it will be necessary to assemble them once or twice in thecourse of a year."  {V}{FF}{RKBA}<P>Alexander Hamilton, Federalist Paper 29 (speaking of standing armies):  "... ifcircumstances should at any time oblige the government to form an army of anymagnitude that army can never be formidable to the liberties of the peoplewhile there is a large body of citizens, little, if at all, inferior to them indiscipline and the use of arms, who stand ready to defend their own rights andthose of their fellow-citizens." {V}{FF}{RKBA}<P>Alexander Hamilton, Federalist Paper 79 (regarding payment of Judges):  "In thegeneral course of human nature, A power over a man's subsistence amounts to apower over his will." {V}{FF}<P>Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist Papers at 184-188 (cannot verify!):  "Thebest we can hope for concerning the people at large is that they be properlyarmed."<P>Alexander Hamilton, advice to jurors to acquit against the judge'sinstructions:  "... if exercising their judgment with discretion and honestythey have a clear conviction that the charge of the court is wrong."<P>Hamilton, Federalist #84:"I go further, and affirm that bills of rights, in the sense and to theextent in which they are contended for, are not only unnecessary in theproposed Constitution, but would even be dangerous.  They would containvarious exceptions to powers not granted; and, on this very account, wouldafford a colorable pretext to claim more than were granted. For why declarethat things shall not be done which there is no power to do?  Why, forinstance, should it be said that the liberty of the press shall not berestrained, when no power is given by which restrictions may be imposed?I will not contend that such a provision would confer a regulating power;but it is evident that it would furnish, to men disposed to usurp, aplausible pretense for claiming that power."<HR>Alexis de Tocqueville:  "The American Republic will endure, until politiciansrealize they can bribe the people with their own money."<P>Alexis de Tocqueville:  "To commit violent and unjust acts, it is not enoughfor a government to have the will or even the power; the habits, ideas andpassions of the time must lend themselves to their committal."<P>Alexis de Tocqueville:  "Where are we then?  The religionists are the enemiesof liberty, and the friends of liberty attack religion; the high-minded and thenoble advocate subjection, and the meanest and most servile minds preachindependence; honest and enlightened citizens are opposed to all progress,whilst men without patriotism and without principles are the apostles ofcivilization and intelligence.  Has such been the fate of the centuries whichhave preceded our own?  and has man always inhabited a world like the present,where nothing is linked together, where virtue is without genius, and geniuswithout honor; where the love of order is confounded with a taste foroppression, and the holy rites of freedom with a taste for law; where the lightthrown by conscience on human actions is dim, and where nothing seems to be anylonger forbidden or allowed, honorable or shameful, false or true?"<HR>Algernon Sidney (1672):  "The only ends for which governments are constituted,and obedience rendered to them, are the obtaining of justice and protection;and they who cannot provide for both give the people a right of taking suchways as best please themselves, in order to their own safety."<HR>Andrew Ford (UseNet):  "The price of liberty is, always has been, and alwayswill be blood: The person who is not willing to die for his liberty has alreadylost it to the first scoundrel who is willing to risk dying to violate thatperson's liberty! Are you free?"<P>Andrew Ford (UseNet):  "Without either the first or second amendment, we wouldhave no liberty; the first allows us to find out what's happening, the secondallows us to do something about it! The second will be taken away first,followed by the first and then the rest of our freedoms."<HR>Andrew Jackson, 8th Annual Message to Congress (Dec 5, 1836):  "It is apparentfrom the whole context of the Constitution as well as the history of the timeswhich gave birth to it, that it was the purpose of the Convention to establisha currency consisting of the precious metals.  These were adopted by apermanent rule excluding the use of a perishable medium of exchange, such ascertain agricultural commodities recognized by the statutes of some States astender for debts, or the still more pernicious expedient of paper currency."<HR>Aristotle:  "Money being naturally barren, to make it breed money ispreposterous, and a perversion from the end of its institution, which was onlyto serve the purpose of exchange and not of increase. . . Usury is mostreasonably detested as the increase arises from the money itself, and not byemploying it to the purpose for which it was intended."<HR>Benjamin Disraeli:  "The world is governed by far different personages thanwhat is imagined by those not behind the scenes."<HR>Benjamin Franklin, 1759 (Franklin B. Historical Review of Pennsylvania. 1759):"They that can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety

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